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These differences in the conception and process of re- standardiza- tion can be seen clearly in practices that can be described as purist. Mean- while references to diglossia in the Greek corpus amount to It is apparent therefore that prescriptive practices in the Greek press are primarily concerned with, and shaped by, the diglossic situation in Greece as opposed to questions of borrowing or language contact. In the German press, on the other hand, Anglicisms have become a major focus for corrective practices.

Despite their differences, however, both the Greek and German models of standardization share certain presuppositions in relation to the kind of correctives i. For a corrective to be issued, it is presupposed — at the very least by those who do the issuing — that there is variation between the linguistic forms X and Y, and it is the task of those engaging in such corrective repertories to try to promote language awareness of that variation to a wider public.

Could correctives have a lasting impact under particular circumstances? In this chapter, we have only been able to touch upon the idea that shared presuppositions about the undesirable nature of language vari- ation are what underpin corrective suggestions, in particular, and pre- scriptivism, in general.

It will therefore be the task of future research to categorize more comprehensively the kinds of correctives and correc- tive practices that will allow us to access the ideologies of, say, pre- scriptivism at a higher meta-level. This in turn will allow us to go some way towards an analysis of prescriptivism that manifests itself at the level of actual discourse — in this case, print- media discourse — and can thereby be subject to the discursive analysis of actual linguistic performance that can and should, in our view, be an integral part of language ideology research.

Acknowledgements Both writers wish to thank Sally Johnson for her meticulous editing and proofreading of an earlier version of this chapter. Babiniotis, G. Ethnos, 29 November Charis, J. Ta Nea, 29 January Kriaras, E. Thessaloniki: Malliaris. Natorp, K. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 12 March Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 3 August Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 20 June Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 6 November Ta Nea, 2 March References Blommaert, J.

Braudel, F. Paris: Flammarion, pp. Browning, R. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 35, 49— Delveroudi, R. Philologie im Netz, 24, 1— Jaffe, A. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 4 4 , — Jakobson, R. Waugh and M. Monville-Burston eds , On Language. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Language, Ideology and the Reform of German Orthography. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Kroskrity, P.

Oppositions in News Discourse: the ideological construction of us and them in the British press

Oxford: James Currey. Majer, K. Moschonas, S. Journal of Applied Linguistics [Thessaloniki], 17, 49— Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 22 2 , — Georgakopoulou and M. London: Ashgate, pp. Niedzielski, N. Pfalzgraf, F. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Preston, D. Jaworski, N. Coupland and D. Sebba, M. Schieffelin, B. New York: Oxford University Press.

Schiewe, J. Eine Geschichte der Sprachkritik von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart. Munich: Beck. Sick, B. Der Dativ ist dem Genitiv sein Tod. Ein Wegweiser durch den Irrgarten der deutschen Sprache. Clyne, W. Hanks and C. Hoberg ed. Mannheim: Duden-Verlag, pp. Aptum, 1 3 , — Journal of Sociolinguistics, 11 2 , — Teubert, W.

International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 10 1 , 1— Triandaphillidis, M. Thessaloniki: Institute of Modern Greek Studies, pp. Zimmer, Dieter E. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe. These debates deal with the status and role of the Spanish language in a world marked by the processes of globalization, and in which the language itself is being re-conceptualized as it is subjected to those processes.

For centuries now, the number of Spanish speakers in the world has far outranked the population of Spain itself, but in recent years, the Madrid Academy one of 22 Spanish language academies worldwide has engaged in an increasing number of debates about Spanish as an essen- tially unified global language.

I reflect on the discursive features and strategies employed in press coverage of the PLP which reinforces and legitimizes the authori- tative voice of the Madrid Academy in the definition, management and guidance of the Spanish language and related language debates in a globalized world. Kathryn Woolard, in her intro- duction to the seminal volume by Schieffelin et al. Woolard 3 Woolard goes on to suggest three specific contexts where we might identify these representations: i language practices, ii explicit meta- linguistic discourse, and iii implicit metapragmatic strategies 9— In the first siting, language practices inform and shape ideology by taking the status quo and reifying it through repetition and natural- ization, which in turn justify existing linguistic configurations.

The second context, metalinguistic discourse, includes explicit discussion, evaluation, and planning about how speakers both use language and ought to use it. Language ideological debates — while often addressing language structure itself — tend to focus largely on the historical and current role, usefulness, value and quality of a language variety. In particular, he writes that: The interaction of power, language, and reflections on language, inextricably bound up with one another in human history, largely defines language standardization.

This recognition is crucial, given that dis- course about language is more than just descriptive: as the underlying ideology takes root and is manifested either in habitual linguistic prac- tice or in further evaluative metalinguistic discourse, the reciprocal and dialectical nature of discourse and ideology means that the former affects the latter, and vice versa. If a particular view is considered to be com- mon sense, further scrutiny of its basis is deemed to be unnecessary, and the belief becomes embedded in society Milroy and Milroy These authors go on to explain how: Such an appeal to common sense is powerful, as it engages an audi- ence at a gut level at which it can readily respond.

Whatever the recognizable benefits of linguistic standardi- zation, its foundations are ideologies masquerading as descriptions of an idealized world which all too often become the unquestioned domi- nant view of language in society. Consequently, the ideology of stan- dardization in fact creates the vision of standard language and acts to make its realization in society a goal of its proponents. In recognizing this concept of social ordering, it is necessary to also recognize that language ideologies work more forcefully to act and create in the social world when they do so through the discourse of institutions with all their associated prominence, prestige and influence.

Media can be considered such an institution — certainly in Western societies — because of its purpose of providing a public information service, its well established position in influencing and reflecting public opinion, and its tradition of particular practices, coverage and format. As Fowler notes, the scale of production and dissemination of newspaper dis- course, along with the economic and political positions and perspec- tives of individual papers are what give the press a particularly crucial role as a site of ideological diffusion Fowler — John E.

Richardson 8 The seemingly noble goal of journalism that Richardson proposes does not exclude the possibility — or indeed the inevitability — of ideological underpinnings permeating the news-producing process. The ideologies then that underlie — and are transmitted through — media discourse are i embedded in the structural choices made by the edi- tors as well as the linguistic choices made by writers and their sources, and ii naturalized through the variety of textual features and discur- sive strategies employed by writers.

Thus we see that the press is a particularly rich and important site for propagating and locating many different ideologies, but particularly those ideologies and representations of the world which are institutional and even hegemonic. So by the start of the twentieth century, ideologies of linguistic unification and standardization had existed in Spain for centuries. The anticipated revival of Spanish greatness never materialized: on the whole, political upheaval and economic strife gripped Spain well into the Franco dictatorship. Article 3 Constitution recognizes Castilian as the official language of the one, indivisible state, with citizens hav- ing a duty to know the language as well as the right to use it.

Catalonia and the Basque Country. In Spain today, language ideological debates regarding the impor- tance, use and current state of Spanish and the other Peninsular lan- guages are commonplace, and come from the variety of sources that Cameron predicts: the general public, politicians, writers, critics and media representatives. Cited in Zamora Vicente 35 — all translations are my own. Madrid was then the centre of a vast American colony as well as an emerging unified Spanish state.

The function of the RAE in its early years — and arguably since — was clear: it contributed to the forming of a common national and political identity based on a harmonious vision of the Spanish nation, state and language Castilian : linguistic nationalism as it has become known see Lodares , ; Mar-Molinero a.

However, in recent years, the Academy itself has increasingly focused on the global position and status of Spanish. The RAE has been a member of the Association of Spanish Language Academies since it was formed in the s to pro- mote greater collaboration between the individual academies. A third threat is the absence of Spanish in key global domains such as science, informa- tion technology and international diplomacy.

A particularly visible response to this is the emergence of the Panhispanic Language Policy, driven by the current linguistic climate in which, one commentator writes: The Spanish language is enjoying one of the finest moments in its history: more than million people speak it and it is an official language in 21 countries, now also consolidating its position in the US and Brazil.

However, the growth of Spanish has until this point been a natural process, without the intervention of any offi- cial policy — a policy which only now is arising. The publications — dic- tionaries, grammars and orthography guides — serve the entire Spanish- speaking world with a definition of the Spanish language, that is, what it looks like and what shape it takes. As such, the PLP is at least in part externally-focused. However, Clare Mar- Molinero and I argue elsewhere that it is also internally-focused, inso- far as the RAE maintains a leading position in this policy as primus inter pares, and seeks to ensure that Spain benefits in terms of prestige as well as economically from the global expansion of Spanish as a first, second and foreign language Paffey and Mar-Molinero To my earlier general discussion of media discourse can be added the following observation made by a Spanish professor of jour- nalism in the press about the press: Audio-visual media have a high popular consumption in Hispanic culture, and without doubt the impact they have on the linguistic system, and on society in general, are the most common and per- sistent.

However, the press still plays an important role in processes of standardization and control, a role that corresponds specifically to the leading quality or influential newspapers which are charac- terized by their ability to set standards for social and cultural renewal, in keeping with the evolving thoughts and trends of a given time. My analysis here — based on a selection of newspaper texts taken from my doctoral corpus — brings to light various other aspects of standardization discourse.

This means that, having acknowledged the importance of denoted meanings and perspective, I will consider the connoted meaning by analysing and critiquing the ideological assumptions which construct certain representations of language and other topics. Of interest are the ways in which the subject content is framed within broader discourses and social contexts, and also the way in which the texts themselves encode decisions about the way in which standardiza- tion is conceived and presented by the RAE to the newspaper-reading public.

Richardson discusses the value of Critical Discourse Analysis CDA as a theory and method for uncovering the hidden ideological agendas of newspaper discourse. Richardson 15 In seeking to offer interpretations of textual meaning in relation to its contextual consumption, Richardson and many other critical discourse analysts adopt a number of different approaches, the most prominent being from writers such as Fairclough , , Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer and van Dijk , The works cited here certainly serve as guides for the analysis that follows, but I have not adopted any one single approach mainly because these scholars empha- size that CDA is not simply a methodological blueprint.

A number of analytical questions from CDA are useful as I critique the debates; my focus, however, remains the exposure of ideological representations of the Spanish language in the press, particularly related to the context of globalization and the developing panhispanic policies of the RAE and associated Academies. In particular, there is evidence of the way that in this metalinguistic discourse, verbal hygienists not only define the nature and activities of the panhispanic language policy but also define the Spanish language itself.

Two particularly salient categorizations of Spanish to emerge from the data corpus are i Spanish as a unitary language, and ii Spanish as a commodity with economic benefits. This is a point of view reinforced by experts in the press on many occasions, and little if any space is given over to the exploration of dis- senting views. Blecua: Yes, but the Spanish language, in the end, is but one lan- guage, which unites us to the world, which designates life, love, death and the little things of life.

For the first time we will have a grammar of total Spanish, not only of peninsular Spanish. ABC, We believe too that this is being realized as the highest service towards the strengthening of the unity of Spanish, yet with the greatest respect for the varieties which that united Spanish has in each of the regions. The commodification of language taking place in Spanish newspaper discourse is one of what Nikolas Coupland recognizes as the key proc- esses of globalization which impact on language: interdependence, compression across time and space, disembedding and commodifica- tion ; for discussion of these processes in the Spanish con- text, see Paffey and Mar-Molinero, There is an increasing amount of transnational commerce which takes place through the medium of the Spanish language, and as the number of Spanish speakers and Spanish-speaking areas increase around the world through high birth-rates, migration and language learning, commercial opportunities also increase.

Spain-based multi- nationals that invest in opening doors for linguistic spread and explicit policy activities therefore find the largest economies in the Americas being opened up to them. Spanish does indeed function as a commod- ity and a tool in a globalized world. These ideologies are often institutional in that they belong to and are put forth by socially, economically or politically powerful organizations such as the Academy, Cervantes and their commercial partners.

The authority of these organi- zations lends prestige and legitimacy to the views they express in the media. I have sought to show how language debates and discourse in the press focus on key aspects of policy, in particular those which highlight language as a commodity, skill, and source of cultural and economic capital, through which Spain is able to access more global markets beginning with language tourism and teaching but also communications, energy and financial markets.

The benefits of the spread of Spanish, the subsequent re- scaling of discursive and social practices of language guardians, and the increasing collaboration with commercial entities are first and fore- most going to Spain. Finally, the discourse of Spanish language guardians on aspects of the Panhispanic Language Policy in the majority of language-related articles reinforces and legitimizes their place as authorities, and validates their discourse as prestigious and worthy of print space and therefore serious consideration in the definition, management and guidance of the Spanish language and related language debates in a globalized world.

Blommaert, Jan ed. London: Sage. Castillo Lluch, M. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 7 4 , — Del Valle, J. Eagleton, T. London: Verso. London: Edward Arnold. Harlow: Longman. Fowler, R. Joseph, J. London: Pinter. Lodares Marrodan, J. Madrid: Taurus. Mar-Molinero, C. Barbour and C. Carmichael eds , Language and Nationalism in Europe. Mar-Molinero and P.

London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Paffey, D. Language Policy, 6 , — Lacorte and J. Salvador, G. Barcelona: Ariel. Siguan, M. Madrid: Alianza Tres. Torrent-Lenzen, A. Titz: Axel Lenzen Verlag. Cottle ed. Milton Keynes: Open University Press, pp. Wodak and M. Meyer eds , Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Sage, pp. Schieffelin, K. Woolard and P. Zamora Vicente, A. Madrid: Espasa. At the same time, it is precisely through participation in this process that national media establish themselves as institutions of authority. As those institutions mediate this fundamental sense of community, the legitimacy that is conferred upon the nation-state is naturally projected onto them.

This status of the media, of course, is not without challenges, as the ideology of a homogeneous, unified imagined community is necessarily mired with slippages and contradictions due to the multiplicities and diversities that define our lives. Ginsburg ; Jaffe ; Urla But it is not only in the struggles of linguistic and ethnic minority groups against domination that the ideological ground for mainstream media is challenged.

In the ever-shifting landscape of language ideologies, then, media discourse must constantly invent new modes of rationalizing the construct of the language community, erasing elements in the sociolinguistic field that do not fit with the dominant vision of national identity Irvine and Gal ; see also Androutsopoulos, Chapter 10, this volume.

Social changes brought about by globalization, in particular, highlight this need for constant ideological work. As the postmodern condition problematizes assumptions of essentialism and authority, conveying the message of a unified community mediated by a single language requires greater discursive work than ever. Increased awareness of and familiarity towards other languages and cultures, hybrid identities, and new ways of articulating those identities cast a critical light upon the state-based narratives of language that support the authority of media institutions.

For instance, in Europe, issues such as immigration and the changing notions of citizenship Milani and the restructuring of the educational system linked to the expanding infrastructure of the European Union Horner have led to heated debates about national identity across many national contexts. The fact that the media served as central sites for such debates is hardly a coincidence. Of course, we may see this problem as an extension of the ideological work of imagining the community that defined the formation of modern nation-states albeit within a new domain of postmodernity that is constantly in flux.

In this chapter, I will explore this question in greater detail through an analysis of how Korean television strategically aligns itself with linguistic nationalism in the face of shifting media environments. Its strong monolingualism in Korean and wider cultural homogeneity are considered a source of great national pride. Moreover, the Korean language, as a language that is believed to be spoken by all Koreans and only by Koreans, is often taken to symbolize the pure essence of a people, bringing all Koreans under the wings of a highly naturalized Korean nationhood.

Such linguistic nationalism is reproduced on many levels of society with the support of many powerful actors, including a national language academy and the circle of Korean scholars positioned in institutions of higher education Go as well as the media, particularly Korean television. But the changing conditions of Korean society present challenges for the authority of the institution of television. New, mediated modes of communication such as online interaction and text messaging also introduce new conventions of using the Korean language.

These changes clearly highlight — and make salient — the artifice of the imagined purity of Korean as promoted through linguistic nationalism. In this context, the vision of a unified and pure language may appear increasingly outdated, and the institution of television, which depends on such imagination for its authority, may face greater risk of being seen as a backward, patronizing institution, which in turn can potentially have a negative impact on ratings due to viewers who are accustomed to on-demand content from new-media channels such as cable television and the internet.

This poses a dilemma for Korean broadcasters given that the material constraints of broadcasting companies require that they must compete within a market, thereby pressing them to focus more on entertainment programmes with higher viewer ratings. In the Korean television market, the three broadcasting companies each occupy a distinct position with respect to its public and financial status. KBS is a public broadcasting company which relies mostly on television licence fees and government funds; MBC is another public broadcaster, though unlike KBS, it derives its funding almost entirely from commercial advertising.

In contrast, SBS is a privately-owned corporation. While this configuration is meant to provide a system that ensures public interest and prevents total commercialization of broadcasting, it nonetheless leads to competition among the companies and the need to appeal to viewers through entertainment-oriented content.

Being relatively free from the responsibility to pursue public interest content, SBS invests heavily in income-generating programmes with high entertainment value to overcome its lack of government support, but this leads the other broadcasters to see their public status as a restriction in creative licence and to attempt to secure their share in more commercial content Jeong In other words, competition for ratings is a highly important matter for all three companies despite the structural separation of public and privately-owned television.

However, Korean broadcasters cannot simply abandon the linguistic essentialism and purism that define Korean linguistic nationalism. This is not only because they serve as an important basis for their authority, as we discussed above, but also because viewers in fact expect the broadcasters to serve the role as guardians of language and are strongly critical of possible deviations from standard language use that appear on television.

For instance, uses of foreign loanwords and slang in the language of broadcasting e. In other words, Korean broadcasters find themselves in a complicated dilemma; they must open themselves up to hybridity and transculturation in order to connect with audiences living in the modern age, but they must also maintain their image as an authoritative institution that represents the legitimacy of the national language. Thus, the Korean situation is a good illustration of the tensions that national media face in the context of globalization, and understanding how Korean broadcasters deal with such a dilemma can present us with some clues regarding the ways in which local institutions of authority may work to re-signify and reformulate older semiotics of nationalism in order to adapt to changing conditions of modernity.

In this regard, it is interesting to note that there have recently been several popular game shows with the Korean language as their subject matter. Quite strikingly, these shows take an explicit stance of viewing language as a fundamental basis for national identity, appealing to sentiments of an imagined community to engage the viewers and promoting the legitimized standard language.

How do these programmes fit within the broader picture of the current Korean situation, and what do they imply for a re-imagination of linguistic nationalism? In the rest of this chapter, I present an analysis of two of these language-related game shows, Ulimal Gyeolugi and Sangsang Plus, based on 20 episodes of each show that aired between November and April , in order to understand to what extent these programmes effectively balance the dual pressures towards linguistic nationalism on the one hand and towards hybridity and entertainment on the other, and what this implies for the construction of television as an institution of authority more generally.

Ulimal Gyeolugi is a traditional quiz show. What makes this show different from other shows is that it quizzes the contestants on their knowledge of the Korean lan- guage. The specific content of the questions on UG underlines how the programme highlights not simply the generic Korean language per se but a specific institutionalized variety of Korean. Although some questions rely on cognitive-linguistic skills e. A selection of these questions is listed in Table 4.

This highlights how UG displays very strong continu- ity with prescriptive language programmes, as it is precisely this type of knowledge that is the subject matter of those shows. NIKL researches lan- guage policy issues relating to the Korean language, proposing regula- tions on such matters as the standardization of orthography and lexicon together with the representation of foreign words, and is thus the official authority on the Korean language.

The SKD in fact plays an important role in the show itself. For instance, some questions ask the contestants to demonstrate their knowledge of a word by filling in the blanks of a definition provided on screen. Another important mediating link in this process of authorization is the host of UG, Han Seokjun. Therefore, the host serves as a visible index that connects the authority of standard language with the institution of television, for he is seen as the representative of that institution, a human face that narrates the flow of the show and instructs the viewers in the correct way of using the Korean language.

But in the case of UG, the host also plays a crucial role in re-framing the semiotics of linguistic nationalism, since the host, Han Seokjun, is one of the most popular male announcers on KBS. On Korean television, announcers are professionally trained speakers who work as news readers, emcees, or programme narrators. As is the case in other contexts, they are considered to have great skills in diction, memory, poise, and also be highly unflappable and extemporaneous, capable of smoothly hosting events and dealing with live broadcasts.

In the spe- cific case of Korea, however, they are also assumed to be highly skilled in the Korean language, able to know the correct way of speaking the language, and to speak it with good and clear pronunciation. Announcers overtly present themselves as guardians of the Korean language and are perceived by the public as such. Reportedly, this was initially a measure to save on production costs because they are employees of the broadcasting company, the casting of announcers does not require a separate contract , but this had the unforeseen effect of transforming announcers into top stars Seo Many of the young announcers were talented and good looking and, due to their previous training as announcers, already had a positive image of being intelligent and articulate; for this reason, many of them became instant stars with broadcasting companies attempting to bank on their popularity by placing them as hosts of entertainment shows in addition to those programmes that have been their traditional domain such as the news.

Han Seokjun is one of these popular young announcers. Born in , he started to work with KBS in , hosting various entertainment shows and documentaries, winning an award given to the most suc- cessful new television presenter in To be sure, shows like UG are typically hosted by announcers anyway, as is the case with prescriptive language programmes that were discussed above. In cultural contexts where consumption and circulation of information on, and images of, celebrities have become a central element of popular culture Turner et al , the power of celebrities to draw and mobilize the interest of potential audiences is clearly a key to transforming or reinforcing the perception of language varieties.

In the case of UG, of course, the celebrity status of Han works to give a renewed sense of attractiveness to the hegemonic standard variety of Korean, and this is ideologically the reverse of the Irish case where celebrity provides some sense of legitimacy to varieties that were previously considered impure and socially inappropriate.

Instead, the merging of entertainment with linguistic nationalism is done without any sacrificing of the authority of the institution. Han still embodies the traditional authority of the media through his knowledge and skills as a professional announcer, and the prescriptive rules for standard Korean that he communicates to the viewers remain as rigid as ever.

Thus we can argue that linguistic nationalism is not compromised in UG, but is in fact strongly maintained. In the next show to be discussed, by contrast, hybridity and diversity in language use are given much more room. In this segment, which aired from to , celebrity entertainers would engage in a game whose objective was to identify a Korean word based on several clues given by an announcer.

However, UG and SP are also different in many ways. In SP, four male comedians present the show, along with a female announcer, and they chat and gossip with weekly celebrity guests a defining feature of many Korean entertainment shows as well as engaging in games together. In other words, SP explicitly orients towards entertainment, while UG pursues entertainment with a greater emphasis on information. But SP is also different from UG in that there is greater openness towards non-authorized forms of language.

From its inception, SP explicitly aimed to incorporate aspects of culture associated with younger people in order to be able to connect with potential youth audiences. So, for instance, realizing that the younger generation relied heavily on communication through new media, SP adopted a format that would allow viewers to participate in the programme through the internet. In this way, viewers could ask questions to celebrity guests and send in photos they found on the internet that resembled the celeb- rities, which in turn formed a central element of the show.

Another way in which SP tried to incorporate the perspective of younger audiences was by focusing on the linguistic differences between the younger and older generations. The assumption here was that inter-generational communication was becoming more and more difficult, with the younger generation developing a new language through electronic communication, and words associated with tradi- tional culture losing currency Oh ; see also Thurlow , on English youth language and new media.

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SP attempted to address this issue through SGON, which later evolved to become the main event and the defining segment of SP until the format was abandoned in late The objective of the game was to figure out what this word is, based on a series of clues given by the announcer who was always female, in contrast to the hosts, who were all male. While prescriptive language programmes and shows like UG condemned or ignored such language, SP treated them as being merely different rather than illegitimate, a rare instance in which public media endowed such varieties with formal recognition cf.

In this sense, SP can be seen as embracing more openness towards linguistic creativity and hybridity, rather than insisting on an essentialist view of language and identity. This contrast in stance between the two shows is in part a reflection of their difference in genre i. Alexandra Jaffe notes in her study of prescriptivism in the Corsican broadcast media that Corsican programmes would be subject to different pressures towards linguistic purism depending on their degree of formality.

Thus, the news, as a highly formal genre, was delivered with visible effort to minimize the influence of French through novel adoptions of loan translations and neologisms, while more informal programmes such as radio call-in shows demonstrated considerable tolerance towards codeswitching and language mixing. Likewise, due to its status as a show that is explicitly oriented toward entertainment, SP is subject to less pressure to adhere to a stricter sense of prescriptivism in the form of linguistic purism. At the same time, however, important differences from the Corsican situation should also be noted.

This can be seen from several facts. But it may be argued that it is not just these practical constraints that lead to this bias. For instance, the show was still based upon a strong essentialist view of the Korean language, as evidenced by the fact that it drew heavily upon various imageries of traditional Korean culture. All of this clearly index traditional Korean culture, giving the impression that the Korean language — the subject matter of the show — is really the version of the language that is associated with this tradition.

In effect, then, it is implied that newer forms of language, which are commonly not associated with traditional Korean culture, are not really part of the Korean language. In other words, despite apparent attempts to acknowledge and incorporate the internet culture and new varieties of language, traditional linguistic purism and essentialism serve as dominant ideological underpinnings for SP, just as was the case in UG. SP also bears great similarity to UG in the way that it deploys the knowledge and skills of the announcer as a resource for constructing linguistic authority.

In addition, the announcer does not merely police the flow of the show. As is expected from her status as an announcer, she is also constructed as a language expert, embodying all proper knowledge of the Korean language. Apparently borrowed from a stereotypical scene between a female teacher and unruly students, such playful, gendered interactional routines serve as prominent images of the show and contribute to its popularity.

At the same time, they also clearly symbolize the authority that the show attributes to the female announcer as a language expert. Thus again, as in UG, the framing of the announcer as authoritative guardian of language reproduces the authority of the standard Korean language. Linguistic knowledge as presented by the announcer is not framed as contestable knowledge, or knowledge that comes from a particular position, despite its discursively constructed origins.

In other words, as in UG, the announcer embodies the authority of institutionalized language, imbuing the show with a sense of institutional authority. While SP departs in certain ways from the reiteration of traditional linguistic nationalism apparent in UG, it nonetheless maintains and reproduces essentialist views of linguistic nationalism. That the institution of television continues to defend the integrity of the standard Korean language is not surprising, given our discussion above of the importance of linguistic authority in constructing the legitimacy of national media.

Thus, strategies on the two shows focus on highlighting the entertainment value of the shows rather than negotiating the authority of the Korean language. Foregrounding the star power of popular announcers and their linguistic capital — a strategy comparable to commodification of linguistic skills in other domains Heller ; Cameron — allows the media institution to make the authority of legitimate language work for their own particular material goals. This, of course, does not mean that linguistic nationalism cannot be challenged, but it also shows us that it does not necessarily become any less stable under the new conditions of media production and consumption.

In a sense, as the politics of identity becomes more salient in the context of globalization, there are not only many possible ways in which media institutions may protect their link to legitimate language, but also very good reasons why preserving such links would further support their authority see also Paffey, Chapter 3; Blackledge, Chapter 8; and Androutsopoulos, Chapter 10, this volume. In the Korean context, where globalization is not necessarily seen as being at odds with national identity, but as a new arena in which visions of nationalism may potentially be realized Shin , the imagination of a homogeneous national community can still be a useful resource — though it also brings new risks.

The two television shows that we observed in this chapter illustrate how institutions of power may continue to find ways to rationalize and naturalize ideologies of linguistic nationalism even in the face of pressures that question those ideologies. However, the discussion above also shows that such ideologies must be continuously re-constituted and re-articulated into new forms. But as the trends of popular culture change over time, new ways of articulating linguistic nationalism will have to be sought. And it is through such processes that linguistic nationalism may be supported or challenged see e.

Ensslin, Chapter 11, this volume on computer game discourse. For this reason, the maintenance or weakening of linguistic nationalism cannot be taken for granted, or presumed to be a simplistic function of shifts in globalization; it must be recognized as a process that is embedded in the choices and strategies of institutions and individuals as they interact with the material and ideological constraints that surround them.

Notes 1 Transliteration of Korean in this chapter follows the Revised Romanization system. All translations are my own. References Anderson, B. Bakhtin, M. Briggs, C. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 2 2 , — Bucholtz, M. Duranti ed. Malden: Blackwell, pp. Discourse Studies, 7 , — Erreygers ed. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing Ltd. Ginsburg, F. Annual Review of Sociology, 27, — Go, G. Seoul: Todam. Heller, M.

Horner, K. Jeong, J. Seoul: Chaeksesang. KBS Hangukeo Yeonguhoe. Seoul: Hanguk Bangsong Chulpan. Lim, G. Oh, H. Paju: Hanul, pp. Seo, B. Thurlow, C. Tomlinson, J. Held and A. Cambridge: Polity Press, pp. Turner, G. Urla, J. Gal and K. The programmatic title Planeta Brasil seems to suggest that Brazil can be anywhere on the planet as long as you have Brazilians there — or, of course, simply access to TV Globo. Ethnic channels are thus part and parcel of the transnational media flows that characterize globalization. How does the diasporic space appear in these channels?

How does it relate to respective national spaces, and what are the contours of those spaces? How are language varieties used to structure these spaces and how does such usage relate to dominant language ideologies in the countries between which the media flows are channelled? I am particularly interested in analysing how multilin- gualism — an everyday experience for migrants but one that is rarely on display on television — appears on two programmes that specifically address the Brazilian diaspora community.

However, the language practices on display on the two shows construe different spatial and linguistic practices of belonging, which situate them in different frames of reference with respect to language norms. The concept of flows is also interesting in that it indicates their uneven spread across the globe, a phenomenon that is nicely illus- trated by advertisements on Brazilian satellite TV in the US for prod- ucts catering to the prime audience of those channels, namely Brazilians living in that country.

Here there are a number of advertisements, for example, for money remittances, that visualize the streams of dollars indicated by arrows originating from places in the US such as Miami, New York, Boston with sizable Brazilian populations to the southeast of Brazil where the bulk of the migrants originate cf.

Amaral and Fusco Similarly, we can think of the circulation of language — be it via media or through the dislocation of speakers — as flows of language varieties, textual genres and linguistic repertoires that create structured spaces of communicative practices, where these varieties are being re-evaluated in new contexts and thus acquire different currencies Blommaert When trying to order Brazilian satellite TV from within the US, I was confronted with the marketing strategies of ethnic channels as distributed by a local pro- vider. They broadcast a selection of their Brazilian programmes and in that sense try to replicate national Brazilian TV.

However, due to licensing conflicts in the US and other countries of transmission these channels have to omit parts of the national broad- casting output such as international sports programmes or US movies. However, all three Brazilian channels have programmes that are specifically pro- duced for the satellite channels that transmit abroad. I will then look at how the language practices on display in these shows con- strue spatial frames that situate them within value systems that contrib- ute to their subsequent interpretation.

The latter refer to the embedding of language variation at the micro-level in the social norms and values that are themselves invoked by linguistic dif- ferences over and above the denotational level of an utterance. In this chapter, I will also discuss the importance of monolingualism as a language regime in Brazil as a background against which the analy- sis of alternative strategies on diaspora programmes will gain a sharper profile. According to Ana Maria Zilles , this belief neglects the existence of indigenous lan- guages from around 1, existing prior to Portuguese colonization in the sixteenth century as well as the languages of immigrants and the Spanish that is spoken in many border regions.

But despite such monolingual policies, the nineteenth century and first half of the twentieth century continued to see an influx of people speaking different languages. Here Zilles notes the waves of immigrants beginning in and the most intense phase of the slave trade between and Marcos Bagno in fact character- izes the Brazilian situation as one where a written standard largely based on European Portuguese is very far removed from even the edu- cated norm, which makes the task of teaching the written standard very difficult and leads to widespread linguistic prejudice.

At first glance, monolingualism appears to predominate on television, with programming almost exclusively in Portuguese. Massini-Cagliari 4 points towards economic reasons for this, given that the other languages are spoken by marginalized minorities, and furthermore presupposes an ideological embrace of linguistic homogeneity on the part of the media. On the other hand, different programmes exhibit a variety of linguistic styles and registers depend- ing on format and targeted audience Bell ; Hofmann Multilingualism on television under these conditions is determined by audiences who have the option to switch channels.

This is also true of course for Brazilians abroad who might receive the Portuguese language channels together with, at least, the free-to-air channels of their respective country of residency. The monolingualism of the individual channels is similarly embedded in a variety of language-specific programmes.

The show features a mix between thematic episodes voluntary work, family abroad, language maintenance, foreign- ers who love Brazil and country-specific episodes Argentina, Mexico, Japan. The introduction to the programme stages the international set- ting insofar as we see a globe spinning around Figure 5. Even if the images represent a slightly dated notion of internationalism, the message antic- ipates the headline and title of the programme that is flagged up at the end of the introduction: Planeta Brasil. The spinning globe is seen at the end to be embedded in an image that looks like the graphics of the Brazilian flag, thus seemingly implying that the whole world is con- tained in Brazil or that the world is seen through the eyes of Brazilians in this show.

Consequently, Brazilians are generally seen alongside other Brazilians speaking in Portuguese in line with the monolingual pattern of other television programmes. If another language is used on the programme, the tone is often silenced or backgrounded by voice-over. In an episode on voluntary work 7 July , for example, we see an interview with the English-speaking boss of a Brazilian, who volunteers as a fireman in New York.

At first, the tone is cut and then voice-over is used to briefly summarize in Portuguese what the volunteer fireman has to say in Eng- lish. In another episode, Brazilian voluntary workers in an orphanage in Mexico are seen playing with the Mexican children living there, but conversation is edited so as to become inaudible. The images are seemingly considered to be sufficient to portrait the good deeds of these Brazilian women who care for the orphans. We do not hear how they speak to the children and can only assume that conversation probably takes place in Spanish or Portuguese.

The Spanish-speaking woman in charge of the orphanage is interviewed with the aid of Portuguese voice-over and in that case not even her name is mentioned — she is simply referred to as the director of the orphanage. These examples clearly demonstrate who is at the centre of the show: the Brazilian migrants who are individually singled out by a tag line including their names, location and time of residence abroad. It is interesting to compare these findings to the strategies of incorporating foreign-language use in UK television programmes dealing with travel and lifestyle filmed abroad as identified by Simon Gieve and Julie Norton The exact pattern in the Brazilian data is, however, slightly more complex.

While on the travel shows analysed by Gieve and Norton, the interaction takes place primarily between the traveller-presenter and locals inhabitants, in Planeta Brasil we have to distinguish between four potential groups: the hosts Globo reporters , the Brazilians living abroad, other locals from the respective countries of residence, and the target audience. The base language is therefore shared by the hosts and the principal interviewees i.

In addition, we never see any direct exchanges between Brazilians be it the hosts or Brazilians who are interviewed and speakers of other languages, which is again different from what Gieve and Norton observe on some of the travel shows they analysed. Having said this, there are still, as I will show in the next section, alternative language practices on display that give a glimpse of the multilingual reality of the Brazilian migrants. These practices fall broadly into the category of foreigners i. While Gieve and Norton pay little attention to this strategy in view of the relative lack of linguistic difference it displays, I will argue that this phenomenon nonetheless plays a significant role in the depiction of linguistic difference, and hence the multilingual reality, of Brazilian migrants in both shows analysed in this chapter.

That said, language learning is not introduced as an issue for the young Brazilians who are shown to come to Buenos Aires attracted by the lower cost of studying in Argentina. The daughter, Bruna, is now 11 years old and explains on the show Planeta Brasil, TV Globo, 23 June why she likes her Portuguese classes all translations are my own : [tagline: Bruna Carvalho.

I get older I want to do. I want to work with something like model. Bruna comes across as an eloquent young girl who is making plans for a future that includes Brazil. She seems to know quite well what she wants to get out of the Portuguese classes in that she is envisaging a life that takes advantage of her familiarity with both the US and Brazil. In this respect, she seems to embody a theme that runs through the epi- sode about second-generation Brazilians abroad, namely that keeping the language alive is also a way of keeping children in touch with mod- ern Brazilian society. Interestingly, this emphasis on writing corresponds to an observation made by Alexandra Jaffe in her analysis of Corsican media discourse in a situation of minority language shift.

Here Jaffe demonstrates how the display of literacy in Corsican in a TV programme about a bilingual school is similarly used to lend linguistic authority to the minority language. Moroever, for Globo — as a Portuguese-language TV network — there is of course a vested market interest in keeping the young migrants tuned in to Portuguese and it is not therefore surprising that they present themselves as both advocates of, and a vehicle for, language mainte- nance abroad. I know much Portuguese. It is almost painful to see Diego struggling on screen to get his sentence across with his clearly limited ability to express himself in Portuguese.

With his stuttering speech, he unwittingly represents the popular ste- reotype of the immigrant characterized by an incomplete mastery of the dominant language Collins and Slembrouck This episode thus indirectly gives a glimpse of the sometimes precarious multilingual language practices of foreigners with which the audience can be assumed to have a degree of familiarity. It is as if the presence of foreigners to whom a whole programme is dedicated must be justified by making them appear quasi-Brazilian, if not by lineage then by choice.

What all these foreigners therefore have in common, apart from their affiliation with Brazil, is that they speak Portuguese. In order to have a voice on Brazilian TV and not be voiced-over as is the case with other locals , they must be capable of conversing in Portuguese. Moreover, throughout the programme, there is a correlation between the fluency of the speakers and their airtime given to them on the show.

Thus language clearly indexes the bond with Brazilian culture whilst at the same time reinforcing the monolin- gual set-up of the show. I will now take a closer look at one of the interviews with Wall Street banker, Hal Rubin, who talks about his experiences in Brazil on previ- ous trips together with his plans to seek work in Brazil some time in the future.


The Globo journalist makes the obvi- ous connection for the diaspora audience introducing Hal as follows ibid. E adivinha para onde ele quer ir? And guess where he wants to go? He then gets his say as to why he nonetheless wants to immi- grate to Brazil ibid. E e cada um tem uma ordem dessas coisas. E uma coisa com o dineiro eh. And everyone has their priorities with these things. I think that [for] Americans, the priorities are com. It stays there at a certain level.

I think that in Brazil everything is more balanced. Hal is set up to mirror the Brazilian immigrant who is trying to get a visa and find a job, except that he has not tried and probably never would try to enter the country illegally contrary to the experience of many Brazilians. This juxtaposition of two different sets of values correlates with the images of Hal in the US wearing a suit close to his place of work on Wall Street as opposed to the photos from Brazil, on which he is always seen sur- rounded by his Brazilian friends in a leisurely atmosphere.

Hal Rubin is therefore the foreigner, who is pointing out the disadvantages of the supposed golden land of emigrant dreams with its materialistic culture, while at the same time portraying Brazilian values in a favourable light. By showcasing well-off foreigners such as Hal and Alexa with a desire to live in Brazil, TV Globo is therefore signalling to the mostly Brazilian diaspora audience that Brazil is not in fact doing so badly itself in terms of the global popularity scale.

This is then illustrated by the differ- ing levels of linguistic fluency that appear to index the degree of volun- tary assimilation of the brazilianized foreigners. Here the audience is implicitly invited to make comparisons with their own situation and degree of assimilation to a US culture that has been painted as materi- alistic and emotionally somewhat deprived. Apsan is himself Brazilian and emigrated to the US in at the age of 7. Apsan has been active in the Portuguese and Brazilian immi- grant community in the US, which is obviously helpful for his business as well.

I like to work with Brazilians, Spanish, and Portuguese from Portugal. However, language is not portrayed as a neutral busi- ness skill, which can be bought in through a secretary. This has the potential to condition the viewer to be completely uncritical of and absolutely trusting in HSBC.

Because of the nested indexicalities, the reader is made complicit in this conditioning. Of particular concern is the concept of counter-narrative as an alternate version to dominant or authoritative narratives, attracting attention to the struggles over meanings, values and identities that consistently take place in organisations Mumby The analysis shows that despite efforts to implement a master discourse and narrative, narratives may exist that contest and yet exist peacefully alongside it. This, it appears, is partly the result of individual experience in local contexts where well-established workplace practices prevail.

Although contemporary CDA places an emphasis on triangulation, and different means of triangulation have been developed, experimental methods are not normally a feature of CDA research. In this paper, we offer a framework for empirically assessing the influence of trust-building strategies in corporate discourse that is based in experimental methods. Specifically, we use a scenario-based experiment to test the effects of trust-building strategies, realised in attitudinal and intersubjective stance-taking acts, which a previous corpus-based study found to be salient features of stakeholder-facing corporate communication Fuoli The experiment relies on a between-subjects design in which a target group of subjects are exposed to trust-building strategies while another control group are not.

The effects of exposure to the discursive strategies are then measured by comparing the responses of subjects in both conditions to a second stimulus text. We apply this paradigm to corporate discourse in the form of an About Us webpage produced by a fictitious multinational pharmaceutical company that has been accused by a whistleblower of corporate misconduct. The scenarios is based on the scandal that hit the French pharmaceutical company Sanofi in In line with the basic commitments of CDA, then, we proceed from i a real-world situation type which we consider to pose a significant social problem and ii attested discourse practices identified as characteristic of texts produced in that context.

The results of the study, which involved subjects, show that these strategies are indeed effective in fostering trust in the company. Therefore, the trust-building strategies under investigation may not only help companies to gain the trust of stakeholders, but also to avoid blame and protect their legitimacy against accusations of malpractice. The implications of this study for research on corporate communication and for CDA in general are discussed. References Fuoli, M. Building a trustworthy corporate identity: A corpus-based analysis of stance in annual and corporate social responsibility reports.

Applied Linguistics. DOI: Conflict communication is one of the essential communication domains, and discourse and conflict are intertwined in human existence and practice. Many valuable contributions have been made to the discussion of discourse of conflict e. The panel highlights an extraordinary upsurge in linguistic creativity triggered by the turbulent political, social, and military situation in Ukraine an explores various aspects of such innovation, its causes, features, and functions in various spheres of communication.

For too long the linguistic tradition has been dominated by the understanding of linguistic creativity as generating endless number of sentences by applying a set number of syntactic rules. Linguistic creativity is ubiquitous; it is fundamentally purposeful, emerges from interactional language encounters Carter, , and foregrounds personalized expressive meanings beyond proposition-based information Maynard, These features of linguistic creativity are the focus of this panel. They employ a variety of approaches, including discourse-analytic, corpus-linguistic, multimodal and metaphor analysis, and sociolinguistics.

The projects largely concentrate on the current discursive processes in Ukraine; however, the panel also includes contributions investigating the reactions of other discourse communities to the Ukrainian situation. Investigating the complex ways in which crisis manifests itself in language and discourse will advance the understanding of the relationship between language, discourse, and society by highlighting the complex interrelation of linguistic and extra-linguistic phenomena in the time of crisis and through attention to the active and deliberate communicative activity of the discourse participants.

The presentation highlights semantic, syntactic, and functional features of two novel slurs that have entered the Russian and Ukrainian languages as a result of the current crisis. The words ukrop dill and vata cotton wool underwent a semantic shift and acquired new negative meanings which can now be used to refer to the opposing groups in hostile communication. The project is grounded in the Critical Discourse Analysis framework which views discourse as an embodiment of social practices and underscores the conscious and strategic character of linguistic acts e.

The presentation highlights semantic aspects of the words ukrop and vata that make them particularly suitable for use in dehumanizing metaphors. In their non-slurring senses, they denote a plant dill or a material cotton wool. The presentation includes examples of cross-domain mappings and emergent structures of metaphorical uses of ukrop and vata and discusses such discursive strategies as sweeping generalizations and dehumanization that these novel slurs are used for.

The presentation highlights the grammatical features of ukrop and vata both are uncountable, mass, inanimate nouns , which make them particularly suitable to fulfill these strategies. It also provides examples of the emergence of unconventional uses of ukrop as a countable noun when referring to groups of people, illustrates non-standard subject-verb agreement in utterances containing vata, and describes the cases when the word ukrop, which traditionally functioned as a grammatically inanimate noun, functions as an animate noun when used as a slur.

This information leads to a discussion of intrinsic connections between the linguistic changes these words are undergoing and extralinguistic context of their use. The present paper analyzes current discursive practices in a number of Ukrainian social media networks, specifically those that have emerged in Ukraine since , the Revolution of Dignity, or the Maidan Revolution. The focus is on current developments and transformations in the language and how political unrest and invasion of the country trigger linguistic change, innovation, and ideological expression via social media. The analysis focuses on popular social media sites that are devoted specifically to language issues.

Social media texts, that contain a set of social meanings, ideologies, and values are analyzed as active campaigners for language innovations and change in contemporary Ukrainian. These texts represent examples of a new social media sociolinguistic culture, which cultivates shifts in status, value and form of contemporary Ukrainian through the various movements promoted by social media networks.

These movements are classified into: language popularization, language restoration, language legitimization, and language creativity and crowdsourcing. An analysis of discursive practices representing these movements allows for a focus on language, linguistic innovations and language ideologies in particular. This study investigates how repetition across different modalities is used as creative insurgency, a combination of activism and artistry Kraidy, , in the context of Russian-Ukrainian geopolitical conflict.

To elucidate the complexity of online conflict discourse, I analyze a YouTube video in which Ukrainian soldiers re create a well-known painting that depicts Zaporizhian Cossacks writing an insulting reply to the Turkish sultan, but the YouTube version is adapted to show Putin and his allies as the addressees and a derogatory anti-Putin song-chant serves as a post scriptum. In my analysis, I draw on frames theory, especially how it has been developed and applied in sociolinguistics e. This work adds to our understanding of the relationship between discourse and action by demonstrating how social actors mobilize multimodal resources to engage in creative insurgency online.

The study of discourse is a valuable strategy that can shed light on such matters as the role of emotion in shaping both individual attitudes and international policies. My project aims to reveal the emotions driving the contemporary revival of the Cold War ideologies. I use different corpora of newspapers German, US, — and social-media posts Twitter, Facebook.

Both have their strengths and weaknesses. Tweets of only characters are difficult to analyze with traditional corpus linguistic tools. For this reason, I use existing and self-written software and technics to detect sentiments and emotions which help mapping the emotional genealogy of the Ukraine crisis. The newspaper corpus serves to describe the archaeology of the discourse by analyzing the use of expressions or stories over the years.

From a CDA perspective however it is important to always link linguistic patterns back to question of power relations, knowledge and its production. I argue that knowledge also is related to what we feel is true. Emotions are often referred to as being only negative or not researchable. By focusing on them I want to emphasize their complexity.

The concept of Cold War is back as a general geopolitical narrative and is being used to explain present situations while containing new features. The New Cold War seems to be only taking place through Russian actions. Instead of being part of the conflict, the West is the unmarked center. Additionally, the image of Russia as the Soviet Union is still powerful.

My argument is that emotions connected to past power-relations have revived in the form of single stories, dominated by fear and contempt. The discourse analysis I want to present therefore targets these basic emotions to explore their impact on the Crisis in Ukraine and to power-knowledge-systems. With this research, I hope to contribute to a general understanding of how emotions affect the perception of concrete events, which in turn influences ideologies and world views.

Oppositions and Ideology in News Discourse

It also contributes to the development of helpful corpus linguistic techniques for the identification and analysis of emotions — both in traditional sources and social media. The initial aim of this presentation is to query the multiple meanings of identity and describe its most common patterns in applied linguistics discourse, based on an analysis of a corpus of over applied linguistics journal articles published on identity between and Corpus analysis reveals a prevalence of post-structural definitions of identity, emphasising the enacted nature of an ever-shifting, socially-constructed, multi-dimensional concept.

More importantly, the presentation probes the reasons for the ascendancy of identity in the discipline. Critical approaches from cognate fields e. Rouse, ; Skeggs, have tended to implicate identity in the homogenisation of groups and communities to further powerful interests in gaining the assent of populations in those neo-liberal societies where identity has become a keyword. Yet, there has been no discussion of the motivations behind identity gaining prominence in applied linguistics discourse. This lack of reflexivity, combined with the polysemous nature of identity and a dependence on relativistic post-structural perspectives may leave applied linguists open to the charge of complicity in disenfranchising the very communities that they seek to legitimise and empower.

Introduction to Discourse Analysis

The presentation will conclude with an approach to identity informed by an immanent critique Herzog, ; O'Regan, , exemplified by cases from the same corpus of journal articles, to propose a transformational discourse of identity. References Herzog, B. Discourse Analysis as Social Critique. London: Palgrave Macmillan Norton, B. Identity, language learning, and social change. Language Teaching 44 4 , O'Regan, J. Applied Linguistics 35 5 , Preece, S. The Routledge Handbook of Language and Identity. London: Routledge Rouse, R.

Questions of Identity. Critique of Anthropology, 15 4 , Skeggs, B. The problem with identity. In Lin, A. Problematizing Identity. Rap, as the origin of hip-hop culture, has long been used by people who are from the margins of society as a way to construct identity and ideology Campbell, ; Ibrahim, Over the past few decades, there has been a considerable amount of research on rap and hip-hop, yet, little has employed the critical discourse approach, which is specifically designed to uncover the inter-relationship among language, identity and ideology. As a member of the marginalized group and as the first and only Asian who claimed a seven-time victory on Freestyle Friday on Black Entertainment Television BET , Jin Au-Yeung has received a noticeable amount of attention.

At the same time, he has faced a lot of unfavourable experience as an Asian rapper in American society. In the study, fifteen songs, approximately 9, words, written by Jin are chosen for analysis according to the three interrelated stages in CDA: description, interpretation and explanation. The preliminary results show that Jin constructs his personal identities as a professional rapper and as a Chinese American and establishes his ideology of having one human nation despite the difference in races through his rap lyrics.

References: Campbell, K. Gettin' our groove on : rhetoric, language, and literacy for the hip hop generation. Language and power. Becoming black: rap and hip-hop, race, gender, identity, and the politics of ESL learning. The author focuses on quantitatively examining the linguistic othering in printed media discourse in the Czech Republic, using the Czech National Corpus. Currently, the subcorpus includes news papers and magazines from to The method used so far has been a corpus-based discourse analysis based first on the adjectives preceding the keywords for each part of the project, now moving on to reporting verbs surrounding them.

Frequent but widely dispersed stereotypical and negative phrases and collocations are examples of a power language that may not be visible at once, but slowly enters the general discourse in a society. This project aims to survey these linguistic othering phrases in the Czech media discourse, as comprehensively as possible, and shed some light on their appearance over time.

At the time of writing, minorities and gender differentiation have been in focus, respectively. This paper investigates gendered discourse in online representations and evaluations of Eastern European migrants to the UK. We argue that it is important to look at immigration discourse from an intersectional perspective, as it is heavily gendered in a number of ways Wodak, We are also looking at the accompanying In addition, we are looking at the recontextualisation of the discourses in the online articles and their elaboration, endorsement or contestation in the accompanying online comments.

A lot of the discussion on migration is gendered in that masculinity is taken as the norm and discussion about female migrants is marked. Visuals often represent female migrants as Roma women wearing traditional Roma headscarves, thus othering them further by associating them with an even more stigmatized group. References: Halliday, M. London: Hodder Arnold. Lakoff, G. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

In Caldas-Coulthard, C. London: Routledge. Wodak, R. London: Sage. This paper will draw on recent theories of governmentality and biopolitics in order to consider the way in which national security is constructed though language and discourse within the UK. Governmentality is a dispersed means of articulating power upon populations, informed by political economy and articulated through security apparatuses Foucault, Two bodies of work have built on Foucault's concept of governmentality. The first e. Against this theoretical backdrop, my paper will draw use corpus tools to analyse both qualitatively and quantitively the language and discourse deployed in a corpus of recent documents drawn up by prominent UK government departments.

The corpus was assembled from documents produced between January and December in order to capture the recent discursive constitution of internal security in the UK. This period embraces the main period of the UK Conservative—Liberal Democrat Coalition government and the short exclusive premiership of David Cameron. References Agamben, Giorgio. State of Exception. Bigo, Didier. Didier Bigo and A. Tsoukala Abingdon: Routledge, pp. Cameron, D. PM's speech at Munich Security Conference. Foucault, Michel.

Security, territory, population; lectures at the College de France, trans. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Our research hypothesis foresees that the public discourse on brain drain is fueled by two socio-epistemic rhetoric Berlin able to legitimize different evaluation guidelines, which can be translated into conflicting political choices, because Italy is losing more and more skilled workers who in some cases do not know how to replace, while politics is in great difficulty because it does not know how to handle this emerging phenomenon. The survey was carried out by combining quantitative and qualitative methodologies, starting with various sources of textual data such as video of interviews, television program services and comments in social networks.

One challenging social and political issues of our time is the ongoing European refugee crisis. The motivation for refugees to embark on perilous journeys in search of a better life exposes a significant disparity between the lives of those within Europe and those beyond its borders. Hence, it is vital for research to provide insight into how European citizens are reacting to this position of privilege and power, and its affective consequence. This study examined the remit of sympathetic discourses and the capacity for these repertoires to extend to calls of inclusive political solidarity with the refugees.

Whilst it appears problematic for these same speakers to further this shared sympathy and present explicit, unambiguous, and unconditional calls of inclusive political solidarity with the refugees that advocate increased asylum provision in Ireland. Whilst it is easy to deploy recognisable affective talk to achieve consensus about human tragedy, it is much more difficult to capitalise on that discursively shared affect to call for specific political action.

Despite increases in breastfeeding initiation, breastfeeding duration rates in the US lag behind other countries and fail to reach the six months minimum recommended by the American Academy of Pediatrics UNICEF, Corpus-based CDA has, however, been used to study language in relation to ideology. AntConc 3. Subsequent qualitative analysis of KWIC lines revealed a large portion of neutral utterances i.

However, deeper analysis uncovered the presence of clearly and hidden evaluative, ideological statements. That is, despite not once denouncing formula feeding as bad or wrong, BabyTalk did construct ideologically charged infant feeding representations. Rarely did it appear as optimal, explicitly praised, or as better than breastfeeding. Importantly, ideologies often co-occurred in articles, further necessitating contextual analysis. Finally, the inclusion of ideology may be overt or subtle, intentional or unintentional, allowing the possibility that writers remain unaware of their perpetuating such infant feeding ideologies.

Identifying and deciphering ideological constructions requires more than comprehension; readers must themselves analyze texts to understand how language promulgates ideology. The study, performed in a two-level analysis, designs and applies a theoretical framework joining Corpus linguistics with Critical Discourse Studies CDS. Based on this analysis, representative sample of texts of various opinion oriented genres commentaries, editorials, op-eds are selected and qualitatively analysed Wodak On this second level of analysis, argumentative aspects e.

The study is carried out under the general rubrics of critical discourse studies, specifically Discourse-Historical Approach, and draws on textual analytic techniques at the micro-analysis levels and makes an interdisciplinary stretch to political communications, international politics, and middle eastern and journalism studies in the contextualization of its findings.

It is revealed that the use of specific arguments and speech act types, topoi, and fallacies in the texts, is not only linked to a broad ideological differentiation between the two negotiation parties, i. The qualitative analysis -conducted on the three levels of content, discursive strategies, and linguistic features Reisigl , Wodak et al.

Disasters especially those cause considerable casualties are not only newsworthy events that have a strong tendency to inflame emotions but also symbolic moments that inspire reflection on fundamental societal values. News coverage of disasters generally unfolds along three lines of emotion code, namely sympathy towards victims, hatred towards villains, and pride in heroes.

These emotions are fundamental for audience engagement in political and public life especially in late modernity and indispensible for ultimately re constructing an affective community by creating solidarity among people. However, that the issues of risk and responsibilities are central to news coverage of disasters opens up a space for flows of feelings to unify as well as to divide. The event of the Bangkok blast is such a case in point where emotions in news fail to eventually unify the society but instead operate to turn the event into a blame game.

To probe more fully into the nuanced rhetorical power of journalistic attitudinal positioning in news coverage of this event, this article utilizes the appraisal framework to examine how the Bangkok Post and the New York Times present and represent attitude of different news actors therein. Corpus findings suggest that while public grieving and mourning serve as attempts to unify the society, insufficiently mediated public hatred towards the villains, complete absence of heroes, and heightened judgement of incapacity upon Thai government serve to divide Thailand in the aftermath of the Bangkok Blast.

Cultural variability in attitudinal positioning of different news actors has also been registered in the corpus. The findings are explained in relation to divergent social and ideological positioning in news production, as well as the need to attend to diversified readership.

While the importance of journalism in memory studies has traditionally been overlooked in academic scholarship, media discourses provide a record of events created around narratives and testimonies which contribute to the construction of memory in current and future generations. The methodological approach of the study is mixed combining qualitative Synchronic-Diachronic Text Analysis SDTA Pardo , with corpus tools to trace strategies of counter-discourse in two newspapers which opposed the dictatorship. Pardo L Latin American discourse studies: state of the art and new perspectives.

Journal of Multicultural Discourses 5 3 , Unions are not viewed as organizations that will fight for the demands and interests of working class women, just as much as those of working class men. While the disadvantages that gender inequality creates keep women out of unions, the masculine mentality of unions ignores the problem or denies responsibility and takes up an accusatory approach towards women.

But how aware are unionist women of this circumstance? Are they aware of the gender discrimination in unions? What do they think about their own positions at the union? This study aims to reveal the relation the unionist women build with unions, in the context of gender equality awareness.

The methodology of this research is discourse analyses. When we discuss how the unionist women carries out a discourse about their presence in the trade unions in terms of gender awareness, it is seen that ideological differences are extremely determinant for them. In this respect for female unionists, whose ideological differences are determinant for them, it is seen that women's relation with the unions and their assessment regarding their own presence are quite different from one another. Women from right-wing unions defined unions as "male unionists' territory" and consider this situation normal and seem to have accepted the idea.

As for women from left-wing unions have awareness about gender inequality. We may say that the women of left-wing unions are fighting against the patriarchal structure of unions. Project number: FEF. Sport as a traditional male territory continues to be one of the most crucial sites where gender ideologies and power relations are actively constructed and contested Messner, This is greatly accentuated by the seemingly objective, yet highly subjective media frames.

To date, entrenched gender biases have largely remained in terms of both quantitative and qualitative representations of athletes in mediated sport Bruce, Female athletes are almost always rendered invisible and their athleticism is often overshadowed by traditional gender roles with the use of gender-specific descriptors. Such findings have been consistently reported over the last few decades from the plethora of mediasport enquiries, which focus mainly on print and televised media. There is thus a need to connect the dots by attending to the opportunities introduced by the new media, particularly in relation to the perspectives of athletes, audiences and sports institutions Bruce, ; Wenner, This study aims to investigate representations of female and male professional tennis players on social media.

Voices of three groups of participants are explored: a tennis associations; b tennis players; and c spectators. Data are collected from three social networking sites including Facebook, Twitter and Instagram during the tennis season in Dialectical relationships between text, discourse practice and social context are examined. Moreover, several tools of Corpus Linguistics including frequency lists, keywords, concordances and collocations are utilized. The current study further explores how hegemonic masculinity is reinforced and contested on social media through triangulating gender representations from multiple perspectives.

The complexities in the co-representations of female and male athletes by various agents in view of the changing mediascape are also discussed. There are differences and complexities among diverse cultures, traditions and ethnic groups in Ghana regarding the social practices of traditional family systems, especially, among the two dominant inheritance systems along the female and male lines of the family - matrilineal and patrilineal systems Nukunya, Traditionally, the social structure of Ghana is highly gendered, so to speak, because inheritances systems are based on male and female lines.

In fact, male and female identities are not just biological or essential social categories, but they are discursively produced in discourses and gendered performances in the context of the traditional social structure of Ghana. The positioning of men and women is embedded in the lineage systems and the family as a model for structuring and directing the actions and practices of men and women for the common good of family members, but it reifies the social practices and performances of men and women themselves Baxter, ; Butler, ; McIlvenny, in traditional social settings.

The paper is also interested in how men women strategically mobilize and utilize discursive resources in negotiating and contesting gendered identities in the context of the Asante matrilineal society. It makes use of data from multiple ethnographic interviews in the Ejisu district, Ashanti Region-Ghana.

What these studies have in common is their focus on sessions which are dedicated to asking questions of ministers. The Saudi Shura Council — an appointed body containing men and 30 women — operates under very different norms and procedures and as such there are no dedicated question periods. However, that does not mean that questions are wholly absent. In this talk, I will outline the ways in which questions are used in the five minutes of talk time allocated to members of the Council. While exploring how Saudi females present themselves for the first time on a political platform.

I will show that questions are an important rhetorical device drawn on by Saudi parliamentarians. The questions which are posed within their speeches vary in how prototypical they are. Questions for information may also function as a rebuke to a committee chair in the case that the information sought should already have been brought to the chamber.

Rhetorical questions are utilised as a means of underlining an argument. Hypophora — the act of posing and immediately answering a question — may be viewed as a reaction to the lack of dialogicity in the council, a matter which I will explore in more detail in this question. As well as outlining the social and political function of these question types in the Shura Council, I will discuss the methodological difficulties which arise when categorizing these questions because of the lack of response or uptake to them.

The austerity discourse is usually analysed as an academic as well as a policy discourse on current European reform processes. This presentation explores how the austerity concept is used by different economic expert discourses to create identity images in the European political economy.

Oppositions and Ideology in News Discourse - Matt Davies - Google книги

An analysis of identity images is essential to understand how roles for actors in the political economy are constructed. These images as role models appear in different political, media and economic contexts as means in social struggle over hegemony. Thus, austerity discourses contribute to the cultural and discursive formation of the European political economy.

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Economic imaginaries are constructed discursively in debates that speak to what economic arrangements must, can and should exist as well as in those silences which convey the impossibility of certain economic alternatives. Economic crisis may motivate questions that produce fissures in justificatory discourses as the frailties and contradictions of hegemonic economic understandings may be exposed. The economic and financial crisis of provided an opportunity for the consideration of previously marginalized economic alternatives, and it produced a defensive reaction on the part of neoliberal economic theory to consolidate its narrative in order to encourage the rejection of economic alternatives which destabilize the neoliberal economic imaginary.

This article examines several technical economic analyses that rose to immense prominence following These texts, largely authored or co-authored by the immensely influential Harvard economist Alberto Alesina, were widely cited as governments imposed austerity measures in the early s. The analysis focuses on the depiction of economic dynamics in deterministic terms in these texts, and the ways in which the discursive construction of these texts serves to foreclose critical scrutiny of both the causes of the crisis and the possibility of economic responses that reject central tenants of neoliberal economic theory.

The American subprime crisis soon expanded to the EU, which entered in years of recessions. According to some scholars the origin and propagation of the European sovereign debt crisis can be attributed to the flawed original design of the Euro and its rigid rules Lane For others tax and spending cuts were the policies more likely to reduce deficits and debt over GDP ratios. Most proposed solutions were policies of austerity, i.

Most CDA approaches to austerity have mainly focused on media reporting of the financial crisis and the resulting austerity measures in Europe Olson and Nord In this paper, we will focus on the official speeches delivered by the President of the European Central Bank, a key actor in EU economic policies. The most relevant speeches, delivered by Jean-Claude Trichet and Mario Draghi starting from , were selected from the official website of the European Central Bank.

The speeches will be analysed following a Corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis perspective. The discursive analysis of the narratives of austerity will be related with the Economic models that the ECB uses to implement its policy, and will be integrated and complemented with the outcomes of Political Economic analysis of the scenarios the speeches draw from. Our multidisciplinary approach will allow us, among other things, to follow the evolution of the European Debt Crisis from the relevant perspective of one of the main European institutions and a leading stakeholder that has influenced economic policies of European institutions and countries alike.

References Kelsey D. Financial crisis and austerity: interdisciplinary concerns in critical discourse studies. Critical Discourse Studies, Lane, P. The European Sovereign Debt Crisis. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 26 3 , Olson, E. Paving the way for crisis exploitation: The role of journalistic styles and standards. The socio-political keyword is inspired by Williams [] , who used a list of words to characterise and sometimes challenge the ideology of the post-war years.

Significant power can be wielded in political discourse by word-forms, which may connote a whole complex of meaning subtly different from the everyday usage of the same word and work as a kind of shorthand for a whole ideological stance. We will delineate and clarify the meaning of austerity in a socio-political context by reporting on research that analyses the use of austerity in a 2. Combining critical linguistics with corpus linguistics is becoming established as a way of identifying and analysing ideologically important language patterns in large sets of data.

Jeffries and Walker ; in press demonstrate that corpus techniques can facilitate rigorous linguistic research into socio-political keywords, and show that political keywords acquire a specific set of semantic features, while, paradoxically, becoming empty of meaning. One effect of this is that the electorate may be persuaded to accept an ideologically controversial concept as something more benign or naturalised as an absolute good. The paper will outline the methodology for data collection and analysis, report on patterns of usage in the data and draw conclusions about the status of austerity as a socio-political keyword.

English Text Construction 5 2 , — Jeffries, L. London: Bloomsbury Williams, R. London: Fontana. At the same time, digital media affordances have opened up new channels for the proliferation of misogynous hate Mantilla ; Jane , especially against those women advancing in the public and political spheres and maintaining a strong social media visibility.

An ever-burgeoning phenomenon, online hate has been approached from a large range of disciplinary perspectives but has only been partially mapped at the interface of content and new media technology. More specifically, we start from the assumption that online forms of misogyny replicate and extend the gender and power relations that pre-exist digital communications technologies.

The current case-study focuses on Youtube as a social media space, exploring instantiations of gender-based hate speech, rape threats and image-based harassment Powell and Henry against Laura Boldrini, the current president of the Italian parliament's lower house.

By means of a critical, context-dependent discourse analysis of such social media data, our SM-CDS perspective aims at unveiling and problematizing the existing link between the misogynous discursive practices proliferating online and the socio-political context of the offline world and its gendered power relations. In media studies it has been argued that on social media platforms it is affect which is the driver of engagement Papacharissi, and that affective alignments appear to even override the task or topic-based nature of a social media community Bortoluzzi, In the broader field of discourse studies too it has been argued that since sharing and disagreeing are a central part of social media, evaluation and affect are key to understanding its discourses Zappavigna, News has become integrated with social media as regards sourcing and distribution, resulting in the deterioration of the role of the journalist in story framing and verification Shapiro et al, For CDA, this also has huge consequences for how we account for the way that ideologies are disseminated from a top down model to one that involves complexities of interconnectivity and user communities Bouvier, ; KhosraviNik, And it raises the challenge that we understand and theorise the ways that affect and emotion play such important roles in these processes.

The Twitter feed itself, I show, was used in news stories to frame the story and was unverified by the journalists. In fact, the feed comprised only one narrow perspective on the events to which it related. Analysis shows: 1. As photographic technology has become cheaper and more available, the professional boundaries in this field have eroded, and the rules commissioning and remunerating photographical work have become ambiguous.

Fairclough and Wodak, This research draws on methods from the discourse historical approach Reisigl and Wodak to examine posts about client transactions shared by photographers within a Facebook group. Through analysis of the threads, we identify the conventions that commenters develop and draw upon in justifying their proposed actions. We analyse how the factors affecting whether the conventions are reinforced, maintained, or disrupted in each case are constructed discursively, including for example the economic status of the client e.

We explore how photographers co-construct, reproduce, and contest discourses concerning the value of photographic work, the value of images, and the commercial relationships between photographers and their clients. While social movements in this area have seen some attention, the micro-political actions of less co-ordinated groups are another important mechanism for resistance which is less explored Spicer and Bohm, A key element of this shift has been a growing level of central administrative control, along with a corresponding loss of authority and esteem among the disciplines. These new organisational configurations have produced and are also constituted by new discursive forms, ones that not only describe the condition of the contemporary university, but which are also deployed to get things done in it.

The paper will consider a number of aspects of the term. I will look at the origins of the term's uses in the academy, and its interdiscursive relations with military, business and sporting discourses. The paper will draw on data from a number of universities in Australia, looking at samples of public documents produced during times of structural change.

The paper will draw on some of the methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, but also consider an earlier form of critical language studies found in the writings of Raymond Williams. It is traditionally assumed that legal texts are dominated by the demonstration of factual evidence, formal logical reasoning, and highly structured argumentation according to pre-established rules.

This simplistic product-based understanding of legal texts is recently confronted by researches focusing on the process aspects of legal texts, i. The present study attempts to explore such hybridity and heterogeneity of legal texts in the context of Mainland China.

This paper analyses similarities and differences in English and Russian texts about refugees and Internally Displaced Persons. Investigations by Musolff , , , KosraviNick, Krzyzanovsky, and Wodak , Pohl and Wodak and Van Dijk provided samples of recurrent presentations of migrants in the European press. The set of frequent topoi are represented by topoi of 'threat', 'danger', 'burden', and 'figures and numbers'. A words corpus of Russophone texts from the mainstream Russian and Ukrainian press and also from online debates between Russians and Ukrainians between April and April has been compiled.

The comparison of semantic vectors of texts about migrants in English and Russian reveals the following. The topoi of 'figures and numbers' do not necessarily trigger a perception of 'danger' or 'threat'. Russo-Ukrainian debates accommodate 'parasite'- and 'scrounge'-terminologies for a specific pragmatic function i. There are also similarities and differences between portraits of refugees in Russian and English and between the texts about refugees from Russian and Ukrainian media. New dysphemisms have been coined during the conflict and they are being used for representation of ideological opponents.

In some instances and predominantly in online debates, Ukrainian migrants were also perceived as enemies and aggressors rather than victims and hostages in the conflict. There are also unique topics in Russo-Ukrainian debates, e. The paper concludes that there is qualitative difference between the use of some discursive strategies for representation of migrants in the British, and Russian and Ukrainian official media. Metaphor has been long recognized as a cognitive mechanism, performing a number of rhetorical functions in political discourse.

Accordingly, this paper explores how systematic usage of metaphors contribute to performing predicative, i. A corpus of media texts on Ukraine comprising around 50, words was constructed. The choice of texts was limited to opinion articles and commentaries because they present not only factual information but also offer an attitudinal perspective. The study was carried out within the framework of Critical Metaphor Analysis CMA Charteris-Black, , which suggests a three-step metaphor analysis procedure: first, metaphors were identified by employing an adapted MIPVU a metaphor identification procedure suggested by Steen et al.

This scenario contains metaphors ranging from complete support to Ukrainian government and people solving the crisis to some disillusionment because of high level of corruption in the country. This study emphasizes the cognitive and rhetorical role of metaphor in political discourse and is expected to contribute to the field of Critical Discourse Analysis as well as Cognitive metaphor studies. This article explores contested discourses on homosexuality and nation in the Ukrainian public sphere in The article focuses on a corpus of texts taken from the five most popular Ukrainian online media that address inclusion of sexual orientation into Ukrainian anti-discrimination law under requirements of the Visa Liberalization and the Association agreements between Ukraine and the EU.

I examine representations of actors, relations among actors, and their arguments to identify discursive coalitions of actors involved in the controversy, key signifiers or nodal points of the controversy, and chains of equivalence and difference between homosexuality and sexual rights and those nodal points which signify social entities and social order e. LGBT-, human rights, and the pro-European civil society organizations promoted a myth of Ukraine as a political community based on citizenship, which embraced homosexuals as well as other minorities.

After Euromaidan, a myth of Ukraine as a European political nation in which homosexual minority is granted equal rights became hegemonic in the public sphere. Starting from the meta-theoretical foundations of Critical Realism in general and Cultural Political Economy CPE in particular, this contribution develops a corpus-assisted multimodal critical realist discourse analysis that will be used to study austerity in the United Kingdom. For this purpose, CPE will be enriched by thoughts about multimodality, subjectivation processes and methodological concerns.

In respect to multimodality, CPE is well equipped to study the interdependencies between semiotic systems and material social structures in general but it is usually used to analyze textual material only. This is surprising as the central role of imaginaries already cries for a consideration of images. By transferring the idea of the semiotic triangle to visual materials, this presentation will highlight the role of referents for an explanatory critique of both texts and images that is missing in usual multimodal analyses.

In respect to subjectivation processes, CPE is combined with the materialist social psychology of Erich Fromm. From the perspective of CPE, the forces behind discourses are grounded in economic structures. Of central importance here is the difference between the having mode of existence that is based on competition, antagonism as well as fear and the being mode of existence that is based on solidarity and love.

The latter mode shall be enhanced by critical social science. In respect to methodological reflections, these theoretical goals will be pursued in conversation with quantitative and qualitative analyses of multimodal articles from the left-leaning Guardian and the right-leaning Daily Telegraph for the time between 1 January and 31 December Semiotic regularities will be detected with the help of keyword and collocation analyses for textual material and with an image type analysis for visual material.

These regularities will then be analyzed qualitatively in order to offer an explanatory critique in the service of human emancipation. To do so, we adopt the assumption developed in Interpretive Policy Analysis that scenarios for political action are mobilized through narration. By enacting a certain sequence and by ascribing causation and responsibility narratives suggest how a problem is to be defined, where to place the burden of adjustment and whom to empower as a fixer Stone Moreover, such policy narratives tend to crystallize in dominant and counter narratives in public debate that are relationally constituted Roe Following up on earlier work on crisis discourse Kutter , the paper investigates what type of counter narrative was mobilized by Syriza.

Using computer-aided qualitative content analysis, we look into specific elements of crisis narrations, such as the highlighted phenomenon of crisis, the causes identified, the solutions proposed and actors blamed for failure or enthroned as game changers. Instead of on sovereign debt, excessive government spending and austerity as a solution, the focus of dominant crisis narratives at that time, they focus on epic recession and social decline, identify austerity as a policy failure and cause and cast the vision of a union of solidarity in terms of redistributive justice and democratic renewal.

Significant power can be wielded in political discourse by word-forms, which may connote a whole complex of meaning, subtly different from the everyday usage of the same word and work as a kind of shorthand for a whole ideological stance. The word austerity has strong connections with s and s Britain, when the consumption of food and clothing and other goods was regulated and reduced via rationing and controls on pricing.

Jeffries and Walker forthcoming show that austerity was frequently used in parliamentary discourse in the House of Commons during the s, and then re-emerged as a socio-political keyword during the build-up to the general election when David Cameron and George Osborne , perhaps in an attempt to evoke past days of national unity, repeatedly used and reused the word.

The paper will outline the methodology for the systematic analysis of this fairly large text, report on linguistic patterns in the data, and finish by drawing conclusions about the status of austerity as a socio-political keyword. References Jeffries and Walker in press Austerity in the Commons: A corpus critical analysis of austerity and its surrounding grammatical context in Hansard Power and T. Ali Eds. Austerity Discourses: an interdisciplinary critical analysis. Bettini et al. According to Nash , the period between the Cancun negotiations of the UNFCCC in and the Paris negotiations is seen to represent a crucial moment in policy making as regards the climate change and migration nexus.

The purpose of the paper is to explore representations of migration and displacement in the context of anthropogenic climate change in newspaper discourse through a diachronic corpus-assisted discourse analytical perspective Baker et al.